Mohon doa mau oral defense untuk tugas akhir Jumat tanggal 17 April 2009
Monday, April 13, 2009
Friday, March 13, 2009
Who is your circle of esteem?
Robert Cribb discusses about the circle of esteem, standard works and euphoric couplets. I think, Cribb is such a skeptic person. However, in some arguments, I share opinion with him. In term of circle of esteem, I think it might be also related to the Bigalke’s writing. The circle of esteem could arrange from the points of keys. Such a student, I also ask my self that am I a member of circle of esteem? If so, what am I going to receive and give to be the member? If not, why am I not a member of circle of esteem and what could happen? Or do I need becoming a member?
Cribb states that the production of knowledge as an industrial process, which means that everything depends on the market demands. I think that circle of esteem might be as a vehicle of industrial knowledge. If circle of esteem works under industrial demands, for sure the ideal of research will lose. Actually, the case of industrial knowledge also manacles students. When they received scholarships, they should research under the request of the funding.
Standard works and euphoric couplets are parts of a role in circle of esteem. Standard works is the references that are always used to be reliable citations for scholars. As a result, the researchers never move from the circle. So who make the standard works? Indeed, I am not able to find the certain criteria of standard works from Cribb. I think when Cribb describes about how to write the standard works, it is uncertain. There are many quality books about Indonesia, for instance, but they are not included to be standard works. Does standard works link to the industrial knowledge? Is standard works the new face of hegemony of knowledge?
For people who have initiative to do outside the standard works, they choose euphoric couplets. With the provocative terms, researchers break in the standard works. Circle takes some example books and articles of euphoric couplets such as “imagined community” by Benedict Anderson. However, I think right now there are many book such Anderson’s books that already become the primary references of researchers, so can they be categorized that they are standard works? if so, do we need “new” euphoric couplets?.
Saturday, February 28, 2009
Apa Yang Kita Harapkan dari Politik??
Tulisan ini juga dimuat di sini
Beberapa waktu lalu seorang kawan di Banyuwangi meninggalkan pesan di YM yang isinya mengajak untuk ngobrol bareng. Perbedaan waktu yang cukup jauh antara Hawaii dan Indonesia sering sekali menjadikan kami tidak selalu bertemu dalam waktu yang berbarengan. Pada waktu dan hari yang sudah kita sepakati bersama, akhirnya aku bisa ngobrol dengan dia via chatting di YM.
Dia bercerita kalau saat ini sedang sibuk menyiapkan diri untuk maju ke kursi legislative di daerah Banyuwangi. Ada dua hal yang tiba-tiba saya rasakan. Pertama, tentu saya senang dan sangat mendukung langkahnya. Siapapun orangnya yang mau maju menjadi “buruh” rakyat tentu harus didukung, dan ini adalah tugas mulia. Tapi disisi lain sikap skeptic yang saya miliki pada politik juga muncul. Entah sudah berapa lama saya sangat meragukan dunia politik, walupun di ranah lain saya percaya bila politik juga merupakan jalan untuk memperbaiki kondisi masyarakat.
Sebagai teman, tentunya saya harus menunjukkan kalau saya dibelakang dia. Mulailah obrolan mengarah pada peta politik di Banyuwangi dan persiapan apa saja yang sudah dia lakukan untuk merebut kursi panas di DPRD. Harapan bahwa dia akan memberikan jawaban yang bisa memuaskan nafsu keingintahuan saya pada politik dan alih-alih mampu menghapus rasa ketidakpercayaan saya pada politik ternyata langsung menguap begitu saja. Saya sempat bertanya hal yang paling mendasar tentang berapa presentasi jumlah pemilih pemula dan pemilih lama di dapil dia. Dia hanya simple menjawab “emang itu penting ya?.” Saya masih berusaha mengejarnya dengan sebuah pertanyaan menukik, “Bagaimana kamu akan bisa menentukan program apa yang paling tepat bagi masyarakat di wilayahmu bila presentasi pemilihnya saja kamu tidak tahu.” Dia bilang kalau itu semua tidak penting, karena posisi dia yang berapa diurutan kepala sudah bisa menjadi jaminan untuk bisa melenggang ke gedung DPRD. Dalam artian menurut dia program bukan sesuatu yang signifikan. “Pokoknya sekarang yang aku butuhkan adalah uang untuk kampanye,” ujarnya mantap.
Pengen berontak dengan pernyataan dia yang asal-asalan, tapi saya berusaha melihat dari sisi lain. Saya yakin fenomena caleg seperti ini banyak jumlahnya, bahkan bisa jadi mayoritas. Mereka beranggapan bahwa semuanya bisa diselesiakn dengan uang. Maka tidaklah heran bila banyak wajah-wajah baru yang belum punya andil apapun di masyarakat tiba-tiba berubah menjadi seperti malaikat yang menebarkan uang. Ini mengingatkan saya pada ucapan seorang warga miskin dipedalaman Vietnam yang dikutip dalam sebuah buku. Petani tersebut bilang kalau dia berharap setiap hari adalah pemilu, hingga dia bisa tiap hari mendapat sumbangan sembako dan juga uang.
Di lain waktu, seorang kawan sewaktu kuliah S1 di UIN Sunan Kalijaga, Jogjakarta mengirimkan stikel dan foto baliho dirinya. Untuk pemilihan 2009 ini dia akan menempati nomor urut 3 untuk maju DPRD Magelang, Jawa Tengah. Dia menceritakan betapa motif untuk maju menjadi caleg ternyata sangat beragam. Saya sempat terpingkal-pingkal ketika dia bilang kalau ada seorang caleg yang sudah cukup merasa bangga ketika di pintu rumah tetangganya terpasang foto dirinya dan disandingkan dengan Megawati. Dan untuk kasus caleg dari Partai Demokrat, mereka sudah puas melihat fotonya disejajarkan dengan foto Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (SBY). Bahkan air mata saya sampai keluar karena ketawa mengetahui bila ada seorang caleg yang pengusaha percetakan dan sablon memaksakan diri maju menjadi seorang kandidat DPRD –walaupun dia dapat nomor sepatu- agar dia bisa kenal dengan caleg-caleg lain dengan harapan para caleg yang dia kenal mau memesan stikel, kaos, ataupun aksesori kampanye lainnya ke dia. Jadi bagi mereka bukan kemenangan yang diincar. Entahlah pemilu macam apa ini, kok sepertinya menjadi sebuah dagelan murahan.
Keraguan saya yang sebelumnya sudah ada semakin tumbuh subur dengan cerita kawan-kawan saya tersebut. Tapi di lain hal saya tidak bisa menyembunyikan sebuah pertanyaan besar dalam diri saya tentang bagaimana masyarakat Indonesia, Banyuwangi khususnya, akan bisa memilih para calon wakil mereka dengan tepat. Tidak bisa dipungkiri kalau kenyataan yang ada “mereka-mereka” lah yang sekarang sedang bertarung untuk menuju gedung parlement, jadi mau tidak mau masyarakat Banyuwangi harus memilih mereka. Memang ada pilihan lain untuk tidak memilih, alias golput, tapi bagi saya itu adalah tindakan orang-orang pecundang, karena mereka tidak mau memilih tapi akan menjadi orang terdepan untuk memprotes bila ada kesalahan yang dilakukan parlement. Bagi saya lebih berwibawa bila kita tetep menggunakan hak suara kita dengan memilih caleg yang “terbaik” dari yang ada, dan tentunya tetap mengkritis mereka ketika terjadi penyimpangan saat sudah menjabat.
Kenyataan di lapangan masyarakat tidak mendapatkan pembelajaran politik. Lembaga-lembaga yang seharusnya berperan penting untuk political education sering kali malah menjadikan powernya untuk memperoleh dukungan dari masyarakat pada calon-calon yang sudah memiliki deal dengan mereka. Yang dibutuhkan oleh rakyat sekarang ini bukan hanya selembar nomor dan foto caleg yang bisa secara sembunyi-sembunyi di bawa masuk ke bilik TPS dan kemudian dipilihnya di lembar pemilihan, tapi rakyat harus diajari untuk memilih calon yang benar. Tidak penting siapa yang nantinya menjadi pilihan rakyat, sejauh rakyat memilihnya dengan pertimbangan yang matang dan tahu track record dari calon yang dipilih, itu sudah menjadi pembelajaran politik yang luar biasa.
Sebagai orang yang saat ini tinggal jauh dari Banyuwangi, saya pribadi tidak bisa melakukan apa-apa untuk mengambil fungsi sebagai political educator, disamping secara kemampuan saya tidak memiliki pengalaman di politik. Namun bagaimanapun juga, tanpa mengesampingkan kecerdasan masyarakat, saya merasa kalau tetap harus bertindak walaupun sangat kecil. Paling tidak kita harus melangkah.
Ketika bergabung dalam forum lare osing ini, yang menurut pengamatan saya kebanyakan member aktifnya tinggal di luar Banyuwangi, saya jadi tergerak untuk membuat sebuah langkah bersama untuk menyikapi pemilu ini. Selama ini banyak orang beranggapan kalau para putra Banyuwangi yang di luar kurang perduli dengan daerahnya, mungkin dengan sebuah langkah bersama ini kita bisa menunjukkan kalau kita tetap menjadi bagian untuk membangun Banyuwangi. Di satu sisi forum ini memiliki kekuatan yang lebih, karena independent. Kita tidak berafilisi dengan partai politik dan organisasi manapun, dan kita juga bukan Lembaga Pemberdayaan Masyarakat (LSM). Jadi suara kita memang murni aspirasi bersama, tidak mewakili atau pesanan dari siapapun.
Yang keluar dari pikiran saya sekarang ini adalah membuat PETISI BERSAMA, yang isinya bahwa forum lare oseng ini mendukung pemilihan caleg yang bersih dan mumpuni. Tentu harus banyak criteria yang perlu disepakati, semisal caleg yang tidak memakai money politik, memiliki track record yang baik dalam aktivitas kemasyarakat, berpihak pada rakyat, punya program yang jelas dan sebagainya. Bila langkah tersebut diteruskan, dari petisi ini kita bisa menekan partai politik untuk menandatanganinya, hingga nantinya ketika mereka sudah menjabat kita bisa memakainya untuk menagih janji-janji mereka.
Bagaimana kawan????
Beberapa waktu lalu seorang kawan di Banyuwangi meninggalkan pesan di YM yang isinya mengajak untuk ngobrol bareng. Perbedaan waktu yang cukup jauh antara Hawaii dan Indonesia sering sekali menjadikan kami tidak selalu bertemu dalam waktu yang berbarengan. Pada waktu dan hari yang sudah kita sepakati bersama, akhirnya aku bisa ngobrol dengan dia via chatting di YM.
Dia bercerita kalau saat ini sedang sibuk menyiapkan diri untuk maju ke kursi legislative di daerah Banyuwangi. Ada dua hal yang tiba-tiba saya rasakan. Pertama, tentu saya senang dan sangat mendukung langkahnya. Siapapun orangnya yang mau maju menjadi “buruh” rakyat tentu harus didukung, dan ini adalah tugas mulia. Tapi disisi lain sikap skeptic yang saya miliki pada politik juga muncul. Entah sudah berapa lama saya sangat meragukan dunia politik, walupun di ranah lain saya percaya bila politik juga merupakan jalan untuk memperbaiki kondisi masyarakat.
Sebagai teman, tentunya saya harus menunjukkan kalau saya dibelakang dia. Mulailah obrolan mengarah pada peta politik di Banyuwangi dan persiapan apa saja yang sudah dia lakukan untuk merebut kursi panas di DPRD. Harapan bahwa dia akan memberikan jawaban yang bisa memuaskan nafsu keingintahuan saya pada politik dan alih-alih mampu menghapus rasa ketidakpercayaan saya pada politik ternyata langsung menguap begitu saja. Saya sempat bertanya hal yang paling mendasar tentang berapa presentasi jumlah pemilih pemula dan pemilih lama di dapil dia. Dia hanya simple menjawab “emang itu penting ya?.” Saya masih berusaha mengejarnya dengan sebuah pertanyaan menukik, “Bagaimana kamu akan bisa menentukan program apa yang paling tepat bagi masyarakat di wilayahmu bila presentasi pemilihnya saja kamu tidak tahu.” Dia bilang kalau itu semua tidak penting, karena posisi dia yang berapa diurutan kepala sudah bisa menjadi jaminan untuk bisa melenggang ke gedung DPRD. Dalam artian menurut dia program bukan sesuatu yang signifikan. “Pokoknya sekarang yang aku butuhkan adalah uang untuk kampanye,” ujarnya mantap.
Pengen berontak dengan pernyataan dia yang asal-asalan, tapi saya berusaha melihat dari sisi lain. Saya yakin fenomena caleg seperti ini banyak jumlahnya, bahkan bisa jadi mayoritas. Mereka beranggapan bahwa semuanya bisa diselesiakn dengan uang. Maka tidaklah heran bila banyak wajah-wajah baru yang belum punya andil apapun di masyarakat tiba-tiba berubah menjadi seperti malaikat yang menebarkan uang. Ini mengingatkan saya pada ucapan seorang warga miskin dipedalaman Vietnam yang dikutip dalam sebuah buku. Petani tersebut bilang kalau dia berharap setiap hari adalah pemilu, hingga dia bisa tiap hari mendapat sumbangan sembako dan juga uang.
Di lain waktu, seorang kawan sewaktu kuliah S1 di UIN Sunan Kalijaga, Jogjakarta mengirimkan stikel dan foto baliho dirinya. Untuk pemilihan 2009 ini dia akan menempati nomor urut 3 untuk maju DPRD Magelang, Jawa Tengah. Dia menceritakan betapa motif untuk maju menjadi caleg ternyata sangat beragam. Saya sempat terpingkal-pingkal ketika dia bilang kalau ada seorang caleg yang sudah cukup merasa bangga ketika di pintu rumah tetangganya terpasang foto dirinya dan disandingkan dengan Megawati. Dan untuk kasus caleg dari Partai Demokrat, mereka sudah puas melihat fotonya disejajarkan dengan foto Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (SBY). Bahkan air mata saya sampai keluar karena ketawa mengetahui bila ada seorang caleg yang pengusaha percetakan dan sablon memaksakan diri maju menjadi seorang kandidat DPRD –walaupun dia dapat nomor sepatu- agar dia bisa kenal dengan caleg-caleg lain dengan harapan para caleg yang dia kenal mau memesan stikel, kaos, ataupun aksesori kampanye lainnya ke dia. Jadi bagi mereka bukan kemenangan yang diincar. Entahlah pemilu macam apa ini, kok sepertinya menjadi sebuah dagelan murahan.
Keraguan saya yang sebelumnya sudah ada semakin tumbuh subur dengan cerita kawan-kawan saya tersebut. Tapi di lain hal saya tidak bisa menyembunyikan sebuah pertanyaan besar dalam diri saya tentang bagaimana masyarakat Indonesia, Banyuwangi khususnya, akan bisa memilih para calon wakil mereka dengan tepat. Tidak bisa dipungkiri kalau kenyataan yang ada “mereka-mereka” lah yang sekarang sedang bertarung untuk menuju gedung parlement, jadi mau tidak mau masyarakat Banyuwangi harus memilih mereka. Memang ada pilihan lain untuk tidak memilih, alias golput, tapi bagi saya itu adalah tindakan orang-orang pecundang, karena mereka tidak mau memilih tapi akan menjadi orang terdepan untuk memprotes bila ada kesalahan yang dilakukan parlement. Bagi saya lebih berwibawa bila kita tetep menggunakan hak suara kita dengan memilih caleg yang “terbaik” dari yang ada, dan tentunya tetap mengkritis mereka ketika terjadi penyimpangan saat sudah menjabat.
Kenyataan di lapangan masyarakat tidak mendapatkan pembelajaran politik. Lembaga-lembaga yang seharusnya berperan penting untuk political education sering kali malah menjadikan powernya untuk memperoleh dukungan dari masyarakat pada calon-calon yang sudah memiliki deal dengan mereka. Yang dibutuhkan oleh rakyat sekarang ini bukan hanya selembar nomor dan foto caleg yang bisa secara sembunyi-sembunyi di bawa masuk ke bilik TPS dan kemudian dipilihnya di lembar pemilihan, tapi rakyat harus diajari untuk memilih calon yang benar. Tidak penting siapa yang nantinya menjadi pilihan rakyat, sejauh rakyat memilihnya dengan pertimbangan yang matang dan tahu track record dari calon yang dipilih, itu sudah menjadi pembelajaran politik yang luar biasa.
Sebagai orang yang saat ini tinggal jauh dari Banyuwangi, saya pribadi tidak bisa melakukan apa-apa untuk mengambil fungsi sebagai political educator, disamping secara kemampuan saya tidak memiliki pengalaman di politik. Namun bagaimanapun juga, tanpa mengesampingkan kecerdasan masyarakat, saya merasa kalau tetap harus bertindak walaupun sangat kecil. Paling tidak kita harus melangkah.
Ketika bergabung dalam forum lare osing ini, yang menurut pengamatan saya kebanyakan member aktifnya tinggal di luar Banyuwangi, saya jadi tergerak untuk membuat sebuah langkah bersama untuk menyikapi pemilu ini. Selama ini banyak orang beranggapan kalau para putra Banyuwangi yang di luar kurang perduli dengan daerahnya, mungkin dengan sebuah langkah bersama ini kita bisa menunjukkan kalau kita tetap menjadi bagian untuk membangun Banyuwangi. Di satu sisi forum ini memiliki kekuatan yang lebih, karena independent. Kita tidak berafilisi dengan partai politik dan organisasi manapun, dan kita juga bukan Lembaga Pemberdayaan Masyarakat (LSM). Jadi suara kita memang murni aspirasi bersama, tidak mewakili atau pesanan dari siapapun.
Yang keluar dari pikiran saya sekarang ini adalah membuat PETISI BERSAMA, yang isinya bahwa forum lare oseng ini mendukung pemilihan caleg yang bersih dan mumpuni. Tentu harus banyak criteria yang perlu disepakati, semisal caleg yang tidak memakai money politik, memiliki track record yang baik dalam aktivitas kemasyarakat, berpihak pada rakyat, punya program yang jelas dan sebagainya. Bila langkah tersebut diteruskan, dari petisi ini kita bisa menekan partai politik untuk menandatanganinya, hingga nantinya ketika mereka sudah menjabat kita bisa memakainya untuk menagih janji-janji mereka.
Bagaimana kawan????
Saturday, November 15, 2008
Is Decentralization A Good Way?
Last week a friend of mine contacted me through yahoo messenger, he told me that he will run for the local parliament of Banyuangi region next year. Actually, he asked me to support and take part in his fund raising management. He explained that he has so far been doing little to boost his political effort while he is now still trying to accumulate and hoard the money. When asked about his political visions and programs, it seemed that he has unclear answer. He said, “Programs are less necessary than money. If I have money, I can do everything. People also never care about the program. You know, I am listed on the top rank among my party parliament candidates, so it guarantees me to be elected.” His social position, moreover, as a son of a religious leader gives him much chance to be elected. His family’s charisma and fame are good investment in getting voters. Therefore, money and the family status are the keys for him to get vote even though his family name is only known in his local area.
From it, I can figure out that the money has more power to get votes rather than the program, and it is exactly similar with what Daniel Arghiros (2001) addresses about the election in one rural area in Thailand. Money can buy votes, because the economic conditions of villagers forced them to receive the money, so it was understood when one Thai said that she wishes that everyday to be Election Day. It also indicates that money politics, in Indonesia for example, is still used by politicians although the political system has been changing from the centralized system of politics to decentralized one. If we analyze from different way, the case of money politics was actually exemplified by those who hold central administration in Jakarta. It means that decentralization also opens opportunities for local power to do same thing as central power do such as corruption.
From my friend’s background that he is from the religious leader’s family, it can be seen that decentralization also brings the opportunity to local leaders to be active in the politics. Aspinal and Fealy (2003) examine that decentralization already transmuted from the military to the civil power. After Suharto’s fall and the decentralization was applied, the number of governors or bupatis from military significantly decreased.
However, Hadiz (2004) also points out that the old elites still dominate in the local governments. So, the elites from the central administration in Jakarta come down to regional regions in order to take over the local government. For instance, in the East Java governor election, from five pairs of candidates, all are from old elites and they already existed in the central government such as Khofifah Indar Parawansa and Sukarwo.
Hutchcroft (2001) states that decentralization might be a good way of democracy, particularly in administration. Haryanto and Hadiz (2005) also discusses that decentralization integrates with the democracy even though it is unsuccessful since the elites in the local became new kings. Additionally, Dawn Brancati (2006) highlights that ethnic conflict and secessionism cannot be avoided by only decentralization. In fact, in Indonesian’s case, every local election such in provinces or districts leave the conflict among the followers of candidates. The masses of people are often used to influence the process of election.
Decentralization just spreads out the power from the central, in this case in Jakarta, to the local elites. As a result, decentralization does not answer the “main” agenda of democracy. The centralization in the past devolved the authoritarians to the local government. Thus, the local elites seems to have no political maturation yet.
From it, I can figure out that the money has more power to get votes rather than the program, and it is exactly similar with what Daniel Arghiros (2001) addresses about the election in one rural area in Thailand. Money can buy votes, because the economic conditions of villagers forced them to receive the money, so it was understood when one Thai said that she wishes that everyday to be Election Day. It also indicates that money politics, in Indonesia for example, is still used by politicians although the political system has been changing from the centralized system of politics to decentralized one. If we analyze from different way, the case of money politics was actually exemplified by those who hold central administration in Jakarta. It means that decentralization also opens opportunities for local power to do same thing as central power do such as corruption.
From my friend’s background that he is from the religious leader’s family, it can be seen that decentralization also brings the opportunity to local leaders to be active in the politics. Aspinal and Fealy (2003) examine that decentralization already transmuted from the military to the civil power. After Suharto’s fall and the decentralization was applied, the number of governors or bupatis from military significantly decreased.
However, Hadiz (2004) also points out that the old elites still dominate in the local governments. So, the elites from the central administration in Jakarta come down to regional regions in order to take over the local government. For instance, in the East Java governor election, from five pairs of candidates, all are from old elites and they already existed in the central government such as Khofifah Indar Parawansa and Sukarwo.
Hutchcroft (2001) states that decentralization might be a good way of democracy, particularly in administration. Haryanto and Hadiz (2005) also discusses that decentralization integrates with the democracy even though it is unsuccessful since the elites in the local became new kings. Additionally, Dawn Brancati (2006) highlights that ethnic conflict and secessionism cannot be avoided by only decentralization. In fact, in Indonesian’s case, every local election such in provinces or districts leave the conflict among the followers of candidates. The masses of people are often used to influence the process of election.
Decentralization just spreads out the power from the central, in this case in Jakarta, to the local elites. As a result, decentralization does not answer the “main” agenda of democracy. The centralization in the past devolved the authoritarians to the local government. Thus, the local elites seems to have no political maturation yet.
Friday, October 10, 2008
Forest and My Villagers
Today in my class Political Science 780, we discussed about the political ecology and gender. And the leaders in that discussion were Andrea and I.
This is very an interesting topic. We started the discussion with analyze the Nancy Peluso's book, Rich forests, Poor People, and a chapter from A. Dale Shields (and team), Developing and Dismantling Social Capital: Gender and Resources Management in the Philippine . Those authors did a great job even though almost half of my classmates thought that Shields et,al, are less academic.
We began the themes of the problem of forests in Indonesia. I shared my own experiences to be a villager who lives not far from the teak forest in Indonesia. I attempted to explore the changing condition of my villagers before and after 1997 where the crisis of economy has been attacking Indonesia. Indeed, only rattans and firewood that we took as forest products before New Regime Era fell. Thus, it was quite hard to find the villagers' houses, which used teak to be interior. However, the condition was hundred percent different when villagers were getting influences of monetary crisis. The Blokagung peasants, which is the name of my village, and the peasants from outside Blokagung began to cut the teaks and sold them. They really did not care about the environmental effect of what they did. Personally, I could accept it since they have to feed their family, and they have to keep their children in the schools.
In early months, selling teak was not a big deal. They just brought the teak by bikes to outside forest. If we wanted to buy it, we just waited in our house in the late afternoon. When they passed our house, we could negotiate the price in the street and the teak would belong to us if we could deal the price. This process was just like to buy "krupuk" in Indonesia. As a result, all the houses in my village are using teak even for the floor. It was funny when I asked my dad "where did you buy the teak,? and he said, "I brought for thief. I wanted to help him just it."
Nevertheless, after a few months, the police began to capture the thief and the person who collected the teak. Well, actually the religious leader that had power and charisma in the village already attempted to take the role. He often gave advice for the villagers to stop stealing the teak. However, the religious schools could not do anything when the villagers argued him and gave the proof that actually the police was the boss of the thief.
Basically, I want to add the questions of this case. Who actually is considered to be thief? In fact, villagers live for long time in the forest, and they also maintain the forest, so why the state controls the land, the species, and also the forest labor?. Is it because in our UUD there is the article that says, "all water, land, and air belong to the state? In other hand, permission to explore the forests is given to the international corporations or to the big entrepreneurs by the state. With forest concession or Hak Pengusaha Hutan (HPH), they could receive the benefit from the forest. In reality, HPH left many problems in not only the environmental destruction but also the conflict with the local people. It is stupid.
If politic and money are only ways to talk with other, how can the poor peasants gain their rights? Negotiation, in my view, is not really working because it is not running if two groups do not have same level and cann't seat in the same table. As we can see, it never happens in Indonesia.
So, where are my communities going to go?? How are the ways for my communities to survive their live? SO let come back to the village, and give them that they have to get.
This is very an interesting topic. We started the discussion with analyze the Nancy Peluso's book, Rich forests, Poor People, and a chapter from A. Dale Shields (and team), Developing and Dismantling Social Capital: Gender and Resources Management in the Philippine . Those authors did a great job even though almost half of my classmates thought that Shields et,al, are less academic.
We began the themes of the problem of forests in Indonesia. I shared my own experiences to be a villager who lives not far from the teak forest in Indonesia. I attempted to explore the changing condition of my villagers before and after 1997 where the crisis of economy has been attacking Indonesia. Indeed, only rattans and firewood that we took as forest products before New Regime Era fell. Thus, it was quite hard to find the villagers' houses, which used teak to be interior. However, the condition was hundred percent different when villagers were getting influences of monetary crisis. The Blokagung peasants, which is the name of my village, and the peasants from outside Blokagung began to cut the teaks and sold them. They really did not care about the environmental effect of what they did. Personally, I could accept it since they have to feed their family, and they have to keep their children in the schools.
In early months, selling teak was not a big deal. They just brought the teak by bikes to outside forest. If we wanted to buy it, we just waited in our house in the late afternoon. When they passed our house, we could negotiate the price in the street and the teak would belong to us if we could deal the price. This process was just like to buy "krupuk" in Indonesia. As a result, all the houses in my village are using teak even for the floor. It was funny when I asked my dad "where did you buy the teak,? and he said, "I brought for thief. I wanted to help him just it."
Nevertheless, after a few months, the police began to capture the thief and the person who collected the teak. Well, actually the religious leader that had power and charisma in the village already attempted to take the role. He often gave advice for the villagers to stop stealing the teak. However, the religious schools could not do anything when the villagers argued him and gave the proof that actually the police was the boss of the thief.
Basically, I want to add the questions of this case. Who actually is considered to be thief? In fact, villagers live for long time in the forest, and they also maintain the forest, so why the state controls the land, the species, and also the forest labor?. Is it because in our UUD there is the article that says, "all water, land, and air belong to the state? In other hand, permission to explore the forests is given to the international corporations or to the big entrepreneurs by the state. With forest concession or Hak Pengusaha Hutan (HPH), they could receive the benefit from the forest. In reality, HPH left many problems in not only the environmental destruction but also the conflict with the local people. It is stupid.
If politic and money are only ways to talk with other, how can the poor peasants gain their rights? Negotiation, in my view, is not really working because it is not running if two groups do not have same level and cann't seat in the same table. As we can see, it never happens in Indonesia.
So, where are my communities going to go?? How are the ways for my communities to survive their live? SO let come back to the village, and give them that they have to get.
Saturday, September 27, 2008
Kenapa Harus Pesantren
Sudah menjadi wacana yang mengglobal bila salah satu factor dari termarginalnya perempuan adalah ekonomi. Perempuan dalam tradisi patriarkhi hanya memiliki tanggung jawab sebagai housewife yang tugasnya melakukan housework dan menjadi pelayan bagi suami dan anak-anaknya.
Posisi ini tidak memberi kesempatan bagi perempuan untuk bekerja di luar. Kalaupun sekarang banyak perempuan yang kerja di luar, lebih pada factor ekonomi keluarga, bukan berlandaskan kesadaran mendalam akan usaha memberikan hak perempuan untuk berkembang.
Ketidak mampuan perempuan dalam ekonomi ini menjadikan perempuan sangat tergantung pada orang lain, hingga dia tidak mempunyai bargain kuat dalam lingkungannya. Bahkan terkadang untuk merawat alat reproduksinya yang nota bene merupakan bagian terpenting, mereka tidak bisa memutuskan sendiri, karena mereka tidak memiliki income.
Mengaca dengan hal ini, tentu usaha penguatan ekonomi perempuan menjadi hal yang tidak bisa ditawar lagi. Dengan uang yang dihasilkan sendiri, perempuan bisa memutuskan hal-hal penting menyangkut dirinya dan orang-orang terdekatnya, tidak perlu tergantung pada orang lain lagi. Namun bukan berarti hendak mengatakan kalau orang lain tidak dibutuhkan dalam kehidupan perempuan.
Yang menjadi pertanyaan selanjutnya yakni kenapa pesantren manjadi penting dalam usaha gerakan penguatan perekonomian perempuan?. Mungkin pertanyaan tersebut terlalu usang untuk diajukan kembali, tapi keusangannya tidak serta merta mereduse pentingnya untuk mendiskusikannya.
Banyak pendapat yang diungkapkan tentang pentingnya pesantren dalam hal ini. Pertama, pesantren adalah bagian esensial bagi masyarakat termasuk perempuan. Mereka selalu meletakkan pesantren sebagai panutan yang harus diikuti. Posisi pesantren ini tentu sangat menguntungkan bila digunakan sebagai upaya penyadaran akan pentingnya penguatan ekonomi bagi perempuan.
Posisi pesantren yang menempel erat dengan perempuan di lini terbawah juga menawarkan kemudahan untuk pengorganisasian, seperti ketika pembekalan ketrampilan dan pengontrolan kegiatan yang sedang dijalankan.
Hal lain yaitu kedekatan antara pesantren dengan perempuan sekitar tidak yang bisa dimiliki oleh lembaga lain. Hubungan ini bisa menjadi guarantee kerjasama yang berlandaskan kepercayaan yang kuat. Sebagai ilustrasi, bila lembaga donator mengucurkan pinjaman modal bagi perempuan untuk membangun bisnisnya, dapat dipastikan pinjaman tersebut tidak akan macet. Power pesantren dan juga charisma leader pesantren menjadi dorongan kuat bagi perempuan sekitar pesantren untuk mematuhi persyaratan yang ada.
Keunggulan pesantren dalam penguatan perekonomian perempuan ini masih diikuti pula oleh berbagai masalah. Persoalan tersebut antara lain yakni pesantren yang punya orientasi gender equality sedikit sekali, hingga mereka tidak pernah berpikir untuk berusaha memberdayakan ekonomi perempuan dengan kekuatan dan modal yang mereka miliki. Disamping itu praktik-praktik tidak fair juga sering mewarnai cerita berjalannya kredit-kredit yang disalurkan lewat pesantren.
Belum banyaknya lembaga donator yang merasa penting meletakkan pesantren sebagai mitra dalam usaha pengentasan perempuan dari kemiskinan, juga menjadi persoalan. Belum lagi masih sedikitnya lembaga donator yang memiliki perspective sadar gender.
Dengan mencermati kelebihan dan kekurangan yang dimiliki pesantren dalam wacana penguatan ekonomi perempuan, tentu ini menjadi pekerjaan rumah bagi stakeholder yang bergiat dalam bidang ini. Bergandeng tangan dengan banyak pihak adalah jalan terbaik untuk mewujudkan perempuan yang mandiri dan kuat.
Published in Jawa Pos, Oct 2006
Posisi ini tidak memberi kesempatan bagi perempuan untuk bekerja di luar. Kalaupun sekarang banyak perempuan yang kerja di luar, lebih pada factor ekonomi keluarga, bukan berlandaskan kesadaran mendalam akan usaha memberikan hak perempuan untuk berkembang.
Ketidak mampuan perempuan dalam ekonomi ini menjadikan perempuan sangat tergantung pada orang lain, hingga dia tidak mempunyai bargain kuat dalam lingkungannya. Bahkan terkadang untuk merawat alat reproduksinya yang nota bene merupakan bagian terpenting, mereka tidak bisa memutuskan sendiri, karena mereka tidak memiliki income.
Mengaca dengan hal ini, tentu usaha penguatan ekonomi perempuan menjadi hal yang tidak bisa ditawar lagi. Dengan uang yang dihasilkan sendiri, perempuan bisa memutuskan hal-hal penting menyangkut dirinya dan orang-orang terdekatnya, tidak perlu tergantung pada orang lain lagi. Namun bukan berarti hendak mengatakan kalau orang lain tidak dibutuhkan dalam kehidupan perempuan.
Yang menjadi pertanyaan selanjutnya yakni kenapa pesantren manjadi penting dalam usaha gerakan penguatan perekonomian perempuan?. Mungkin pertanyaan tersebut terlalu usang untuk diajukan kembali, tapi keusangannya tidak serta merta mereduse pentingnya untuk mendiskusikannya.
Banyak pendapat yang diungkapkan tentang pentingnya pesantren dalam hal ini. Pertama, pesantren adalah bagian esensial bagi masyarakat termasuk perempuan. Mereka selalu meletakkan pesantren sebagai panutan yang harus diikuti. Posisi pesantren ini tentu sangat menguntungkan bila digunakan sebagai upaya penyadaran akan pentingnya penguatan ekonomi bagi perempuan.
Posisi pesantren yang menempel erat dengan perempuan di lini terbawah juga menawarkan kemudahan untuk pengorganisasian, seperti ketika pembekalan ketrampilan dan pengontrolan kegiatan yang sedang dijalankan.
Hal lain yaitu kedekatan antara pesantren dengan perempuan sekitar tidak yang bisa dimiliki oleh lembaga lain. Hubungan ini bisa menjadi guarantee kerjasama yang berlandaskan kepercayaan yang kuat. Sebagai ilustrasi, bila lembaga donator mengucurkan pinjaman modal bagi perempuan untuk membangun bisnisnya, dapat dipastikan pinjaman tersebut tidak akan macet. Power pesantren dan juga charisma leader pesantren menjadi dorongan kuat bagi perempuan sekitar pesantren untuk mematuhi persyaratan yang ada.
Keunggulan pesantren dalam penguatan perekonomian perempuan ini masih diikuti pula oleh berbagai masalah. Persoalan tersebut antara lain yakni pesantren yang punya orientasi gender equality sedikit sekali, hingga mereka tidak pernah berpikir untuk berusaha memberdayakan ekonomi perempuan dengan kekuatan dan modal yang mereka miliki. Disamping itu praktik-praktik tidak fair juga sering mewarnai cerita berjalannya kredit-kredit yang disalurkan lewat pesantren.
Belum banyaknya lembaga donator yang merasa penting meletakkan pesantren sebagai mitra dalam usaha pengentasan perempuan dari kemiskinan, juga menjadi persoalan. Belum lagi masih sedikitnya lembaga donator yang memiliki perspective sadar gender.
Dengan mencermati kelebihan dan kekurangan yang dimiliki pesantren dalam wacana penguatan ekonomi perempuan, tentu ini menjadi pekerjaan rumah bagi stakeholder yang bergiat dalam bidang ini. Bergandeng tangan dengan banyak pihak adalah jalan terbaik untuk mewujudkan perempuan yang mandiri dan kuat.
Published in Jawa Pos, Oct 2006
Monday, February 04, 2008
Hinduism and Menstrual Taboos
Menstruation is a complex phenomenon not a simple thing in women’s life since it is related to many areas such as biology, psychology, society, and religion. Menstruation is also surrounded by many myths, while menstruation is an indication that a woman’s reproduction system is healthy, in religious doctrines, it is interpreted differently.
Menstruation receives attention in society because it is linked to blood. Blood in society is often associated emotionally with death, homicide, and kinship (Grahn, 1993, p. xvii). Blood is often also assumed to be unclean. According to Mary Douglas (1966), uncleanness for primitive people is connected to sacredness. Due to this, menstrual blood is seen as a curse. This perception regarding menstruation brings out the taboos of menstruation. Lynn Holden (2001) explained that the term “taboos” was commonly used in Polynesian and Melanesian languages. In these languages, the essential meaning of taboo is “off limits,” but each culture has its own perspective of what it is “off limit” (Holden, 2001, p. 5).
According to Nasaruddin Umar (1995), in the past, Jewish men kept away from Jewish women during their menstruation cycle since menstruating women were considered unclean and could bring disaster to those they came into contact with. Therefore, menstrual huts were created for seclusion during the bleeding period (Grahn, 1993, p. 16). Later instead of the huts, women wore hoods or veils in order to protect people from their evil eye (Grahn, 1993, p. 74). The tradition of wearing veil a further developed other traditions such as eye shadow, necklace, earrings, and cosmetic. These menstrual customs served the purpose of warning others that women were menstruating, and they were to be avoided (Grahn, 1993, p. 75).
Misleading interpretation on the Koran verses by some Islamic scholars occurred in the classical period. The Koran, only stipulates one prohibition for menstruating women, which is abstinent from sexual activity. However many male Koran interpreters extended this concept to state that menstruating women had to stay away from their male family members. Some Islamic male scholars state that the hadits (Prophet Muhammad’s utterance and deed), prohibit menstruating women from touching and reading the Koran, and entering a mosque (Wafiroh, 2004, p. 177). However, the fact that all hadits need to be interpreted together and not independently, some of the hadits regarding menstrual taboos are weak (Wafiroh, 2004, p 178-200).
Aristotle argued that the bestower of the soul of the embryo is the man because the soul comes from men. Blood from menstruation only provides nutrition for the embryo, thus women were seen as having blemishes (Anees, 1992, p. 78).
Menstrual taboos also exist in Hinduism. The U.S. International Religious Freedom Department (2006) reports that the current population of Hindus in the world is about 14 percent (Wikipedia, 2006). Hinduism is one of the earliest religions in the world, traced back till 1500 BCE. Hinduism does not have a founder nor a single sacred text, but there are many texts that include its revelation (Anderson, 2004, p. 1). The Vedas is the most basic text in Hinduism, containing hymns and prayers which are recited during rituals (Young (ed.), 1993, p. 265).
The patriarchal culture in Hindu society still prevails, with continuing discrimination against menstruating women. During the menstruation period, women are considered to belong to the lowest caste, Sudra (untouchable), thus prohibited from worshiping (Denton, 2004). Menstrual taboos in Hinduism affect women in many ways, varying according to caste.
This paper discusses the practice of menstrual taboos in Hinduism, with examples from experiences of Hindu women in Nepal, India and Indonesia. These countries, according to US State Department’s International Religious Freedom Report (2006) have the three largest Hindu populations in the world. The menstrual taboos that will be discussed focus on the 20th century, focusing on the Brahmana, Ksatria and Sudra castes. This paper will analyze menstrual taboos in Hinduism from a feminist perspective.
The Practice of Menstrual Taboos in Hinduism
Menstruation cannot be separated from taboo. Tapua, the root of the word “taboo” in Polynesian has two meanings, sacred and menstruation (Grahn, 1993, p. 5). Grahn states, “Besides sacred, taboo also means forbidden, valuable, wonderful, magic, terrible, frightening, and immutable law” (p. 5). Taboo sometimes has the same meaning as law (Holden, 2001, p.4). However, taboo does not result in formal punishment if it is broken. It differs from a law in that there is no certain penalty. People believe that a taboo must be followed; otherwise it will result in harm, not only for the person who breaks the taboo, but also for the community. According to belief, breaking a taboo also affects the environment. For example, in some areas, menstruating women are prohibited from stepping out of the house or walking in a field because if it is done, the field will not be fruitful (Grahn, 1993, p. 35).
On one hand, menstrual blood is seen as polluting and dirty (Puri & Kapoor, 2006), while on the other it is seen as powerful Grahn (1993). Menstruation taboos serve many functions and according to Lynn Holden (2001), keeping the prevailing status quo of inequality is the essence of the taboo’s function. Religion has been used to maintain this status quo (Holden, 2001, p. 6-7).
The law of Manu states that a Brahman, while eating, should not look at a menstruating woman (Meyer, 2005, p. 127). The Vŗddhahārt-smŗti states that a wife had to be burned alive if on her husband’s death, she was menstruating (Meyer, 2005, p. 127).
In Tamil Nadu and Kerala in southern India, menstruation is one of ananku. Dianne E Jenett (2005) explains Ananku as “ is a word used to describe the powers associated with women’s sexuality and women’s blood which were consistent with, and equivalent to, the divine power in gods, goddesses, forces of nature, animals, warriors and kings” (p. 177). One goddess (Shakta) in Kerala, is associated with menstruation. The physical earth and menstruation are parts of the goddess’s body (Janett, 2005). Menstruation can open shakti, which Jenett (2005) explains as the, “surfeit of a capacity or ability to do something” (p. 183). According to Jenett that was cited from Grahn,
The onset of menstruation brings to a woman’s body an openness to shakti, life energy that is comprehended as intentional (therefore deity), and perhaps earlier named as ananku, powerful allure in vulva and breast that can also be harmful if it is not controlled. This power when contained creates an orderly, functional, and joyous world; or when it is out of control it can be burn the house down (p. 184).
In Kerala not all the power of shakti can be accepted, thus the unwanted power of shakti has to be controlled. Indeed, menstruating women must also be under control, and menstrual taboos are the way of keeping the shakti.
Serenity Young (1993) in An Anthology of Sacred Texts by and about Women asserted that since Hindu women during menstruation might pollute others who come into contact with them, they had to wear only one garment. There is a text in Taittiriyasamhita regarding women’s menstrual periods that states “Therefore, one should not converse with (a woman) with stained garments, nor should one sit with her or eat her food when she has emitted the color of Brahmahatya” (Smith, 1991, p.23). The Taittiriyasamhita tells the story of Indra. He killed Visvarupa who was a Brahmin (brahmahatya). As a result, Indra had a stain of murdering, and one third of the stain was conveyed to women (Smith, 1991, p. 23).
A Nepalese interviewee, Mandira Neupane, belonging to the Brahmana caste, said that she had to live with her grandmother during her first menstruation until a few days after menstruation. From her grandmother, she was taught that she could not touch her male relatives for about thirteen days. After marriage, she has to sleep separately from her husband during menstruation, and cannot touch him. Her female relatives explained the reasons why menstruating women needed to have no contact with males. She said, “I have to do that because I am unclean, I might be polluting them if I touch them.” Based on the doctrine from her family, Neupane believes that a menstruating woman is unclean and polluting.
Like Neupane, Shilpa Nagar who belongs to the Brahmana caste was not able to touch anything or anyone, particularly male relatives during the first three days of menstruation. However Nagar did not have to live separately from her family. Neha Chaturvedi who belongs to the Brahmana caste and Mamta Panwar, who belongs to the on Ksatria caste, believe that food goes bad if a menstruating woman touches it. It means that the power of a menstruating woman is considered strong enough to spoil the food. Otherwise, my interviewees from Indonesia, Dewa Ayu Eka Agustini who belongs to the Ksatria caste and Putu Sutiyati from the Sudra caste, are unaware of these taboos.
To protect others from perceived contamination, Hindu menstruating women have to use separate utensils for eating and drinking. They must also wash their clothing themselves. Chaturvedi, Nagar and Neupane state that their families have been practicing this taboo.
Cooking was prohibited for almost all Hindu women in India and Nepal during menstruation. However, Panwar, from Ksatria caste in India, did not refer to this taboo. Like Panwar, Agustini and Sutiyati can also cook during menstruation. According to Chaturvedi, after washing her head on the third day, a menstruating woman can enter the kitchen and start cooking. Regarding prohibition on cooking, Chaturvedi puts forward an argument based on her analysis. She said,
These menstrual taboos have their roots in hygiene. I was told that in older times, women did not have sanitary napkins and used a cotton cloth which they would use again and again. Thus, they were not allowed to enter the kitchen because they were not considered clean and hygienic enough to cook for the other members of the family. Nowadays, in some families, as in Panwar’s family, this taboo still exists though recently women do not worry about hygiene. Thus, hygiene is not the only reason surrounding this taboo but rather, it is maintained to keep an unequal status quo between men and women.
Neupane said that during seclusion at her grandmother’s house, she was not allowed to go outside during the day. Chaturvedi also had to follow the same taboo. Neupane followed this rule although she did not know what the connection between menstruation and sunlight was. She believes that the elder generation was knowledgeable on the appropriate behavior for menstruating women.
Chaturvedi, was not allowed to serve herself water when menstruating. If she needed water, she had to ask somebody to get it for her. Chaturvedi and Neupane had to sleep on a bare bed without any mattress or bed sheet. This is parallel to what is written in the book of Vyāsa. In this book, menstruating women only can lie on the ground, eat once at night, and they are not able to speak or move (Meyer, 2005, p. 127). Grahn (1993) also argued, “Menstrual seclusion rites as recorded over the last few centuries typically include three basic taboos: the menstruating women must not see light, she must not touch water, and she must not touch earth” (p. 11).
There are many other taboos. According to Kapoor and Puri (2006), in some areas in India, attending to a visitor is banned for menstruating women. Some Hindu women are not permitted to wear new clothes or look at themselves in a mirror. Sutiyanti also mentioned that during menstruation she is not able to go to house of a Pedande (priest). Hindu women in rural areas face more restrictive practices than Hindu women in urban areas (Kapoor & Puri, 2006).
The main taboo for Hindu women during menstruating is that they cannot worship. All interviewees agreed that the essential taboo for menstruating women is not being able to do pooja (prayer). Agustini from Indonesia asserted that during menstruation women are considered to be in an impure state. The rational of this taboo, in Panwar’s opinion, is that menstruating women are passing out the dirty blood from their body, so they avoid going to the temple during menstruation. Agustini said, “Most women will feel guilty when they have to prepare offerings for certain ceremonial events.” Everything that is connecting with the temple is prohibited for menstruating women. Even though all interviewees are currently living in the United States, they still keep this taboo. Chaturvedi explained that after seven days of menstruation, she can wash her hair, and worship. The prohibition on worshiping in Sutiyanti’s culture is no longer than three days. According to Sutiyanti’s husband, I Nyoman Sumandhi, the number of days is unquestionable because this decision is based on the scriptures.
Breaking these taboos result in many consequences. Agustini stated that she believes that there is a sanction for not following rules when menstruating, though she never witnesses it. She expects all Balinese Hindu women to know what the restrictions are. Should a woman break a taboo, she and her family along with the community must hold a ceremony that is intended to bring purity and balance to her surroundings. Unlike Agustini, Neupane also follows these taboos because she believes in the knowledge of the older generation. Due to this, she has never tried to break these taboos, particularly in relation to temple attendance.
Although the interviewees obey these menstrual taboos, some of them think that these menstrual taboos are unwise. Nagar said, “Actually for me, I do not like to adhere to these menstrual taboos, but I do not have the power to refuse.” At the same time, Chaturvedi argues that these menstrual taboos are illogical. She describes that she feels guilty when she cannot go to the temple. Menstrual taboos have implications for Hindu women.
The Implications of Menstrual Taboos for Hindu Women
There are many menstrual taboos in Hinduism. The main taboo is that menstruating women are prohibited from attending temples. Menstruating women also cannot cook and serve themselves water. Other taboos include not being able to step outside the house. To avoid polluting, menstruating women are not able to touching anyone and anything. Sleeping on the ground also is also one of the menstrual taboos for Hindu women.
Basically, menstrual taboos are implemented to maintain inequality and preserve male dominance. Scheaf (1992) explains, “A number of techniques are used to make women back off from their own perceptions” (p. 73). Menstrual taboos, in fact, are purposed to keep women under a male system of dominance. Feeling guilty is the main stopper for women (Schaef, 1992, p. 74). When women feel guilty, they do not have power. As a result, women are under male control.
Menstrual blood is connected with the idea of pollution. According to Douglas (1966), the idea of pollution in social life has two levels. Douglas said, “At the first level, the more obvious one, we find people trying to influence one another’s behavior” (p. 3). The second level is that the articulation of social order can be viewed in terms of pollution (Douglas, 1966, p. 4). Douglas gave an example of the second level. One sex is believed to be more dangerous than the other sex (p.4). In this case, menstruating women are assumed to be a danger to others. However menstrual taboos, which are associated with pollution, are only a symbol of the present social order. In this case, the social order is still based on a patriarchal order.
Lynn Teskey Denton (2004) in her book, Female Ascetics in Hinduism, stated that menstruation is an indication that women are impure and sinful, so they have no ordinary inclination to dharma (prayer). This forbiddance has major effects for women. First, since a menstruating woman is banned to do dharma, she is associated to the lowest caste, Sudra. In Hinduism, people from the Sudra caste are not able to do dharma. This situation avoids women’s right in asceticism (Denton, 2004, p. 25). However, according to Sutiyanti, in Bali Indonesia, people from the Sudra caste are able to worship and share temples with other castes. This indicates that Hinduism in different countries results in different rules.
Second, without dharma, a menstruating woman is always dependent on others because she has to always be remained her duties. In this case, her male relatives have authority to be remainders (Denton, 2004, p.25-26). Thus, women can never be independent as they are always under the power of others. The prohibition on cooking and taking water is created so that menstruating women must always depend on others. Third, a woman in amantravat (without mantra) cannot be allowed to conduct religious duties (Denton, 2004, p. 26).
The implications of amantravat place women in a weak position. If a woman does not take part in the religious event, she is assumed to be less pious or spiritual, and not have any bargaining position in society. According to Chaturvedi, because of menstruation, women cannot become priests. She said, “Could you image a priest menstruating during worship?” Similar to Chaturvedi, some Islamic male scholars also believe that no women can became a prophet because women need to stop worshiping when they are menstruating. This perception is based on one hadits that women are less religious because they cannot worship all the time. Even though this hadits is debatable in terms of quality and originality, some Islamic male scholars often recite this hadits.
Schaef (1992) argued that there is a basic hierarchical structure in our culture: God, men, women, children, animal, and earth. God is the upper hierarchy. Men are under God, and women, children, animal, and earth are under the control of men (p. 170). One always tries to switch to the upper rank. For instance, men want to be like God, and women want to be like men (Schaef, 1992, p. 171). Because women are one rank beneath men, women are not able to avoid menstrual taboos. At the same time, men perform like God, so they want to maintain control over everything, including menstruating women.
The control of a menstruating woman goes beyond the body and also extends to the social sphere. If a menstruating woman is unable to leave the house, she will not be able to join in social activities. It is through social activities that women gain many things, such as knowledge. Thus, if a woman is less activity socially, she may lose her chance to develop her ability in society.
In short, menstrual taboos are designed to maintain a patriarchal society, keeping women subordinated. Menstrual taboos support male domination. Indeed, menstrual taboos in Hinduism have many implications for women, not only physically but also psychologically. Socially, menstrual taboos are used to eliminate the opportunity for women to take place in social activities.
Conclusion
One function of taboos is to maintain the prevailing unequal balance of power between men and women. Religion is often used to maintain this imbalance, such as in Hinduism. Menstrual taboos also symbolize a social order that women are under male control.
Menstrual taboos in Hinduism exist in castes: Brahmana, Ksatria, and Sudra. However, based on the interviews, women from upper castes are more restricted. For instance, the number of menstrual taboos for women in the Brahmana caste is more complicated than for women in the Sudra caste. The main menstrual taboo prevalent in all castes and countries is the prohibition on attending a place of worship and preparing religious rituals.
Menstrual taboos in Hinduism have implications for women. The effects of menstrual taboos are not only physical but also psychological. Due to menstrual taboos, the chances for women to be active socially are limited since menstruating women in Hinduism are not able to work outside the home during the menstrual period. Overall, menstrual taboos put women in a second position to of men.
Menstruation receives attention in society because it is linked to blood. Blood in society is often associated emotionally with death, homicide, and kinship (Grahn, 1993, p. xvii). Blood is often also assumed to be unclean. According to Mary Douglas (1966), uncleanness for primitive people is connected to sacredness. Due to this, menstrual blood is seen as a curse. This perception regarding menstruation brings out the taboos of menstruation. Lynn Holden (2001) explained that the term “taboos” was commonly used in Polynesian and Melanesian languages. In these languages, the essential meaning of taboo is “off limits,” but each culture has its own perspective of what it is “off limit” (Holden, 2001, p. 5).
According to Nasaruddin Umar (1995), in the past, Jewish men kept away from Jewish women during their menstruation cycle since menstruating women were considered unclean and could bring disaster to those they came into contact with. Therefore, menstrual huts were created for seclusion during the bleeding period (Grahn, 1993, p. 16). Later instead of the huts, women wore hoods or veils in order to protect people from their evil eye (Grahn, 1993, p. 74). The tradition of wearing veil a further developed other traditions such as eye shadow, necklace, earrings, and cosmetic. These menstrual customs served the purpose of warning others that women were menstruating, and they were to be avoided (Grahn, 1993, p. 75).
Misleading interpretation on the Koran verses by some Islamic scholars occurred in the classical period. The Koran, only stipulates one prohibition for menstruating women, which is abstinent from sexual activity. However many male Koran interpreters extended this concept to state that menstruating women had to stay away from their male family members. Some Islamic male scholars state that the hadits (Prophet Muhammad’s utterance and deed), prohibit menstruating women from touching and reading the Koran, and entering a mosque (Wafiroh, 2004, p. 177). However, the fact that all hadits need to be interpreted together and not independently, some of the hadits regarding menstrual taboos are weak (Wafiroh, 2004, p 178-200).
Aristotle argued that the bestower of the soul of the embryo is the man because the soul comes from men. Blood from menstruation only provides nutrition for the embryo, thus women were seen as having blemishes (Anees, 1992, p. 78).
Menstrual taboos also exist in Hinduism. The U.S. International Religious Freedom Department (2006) reports that the current population of Hindus in the world is about 14 percent (Wikipedia, 2006). Hinduism is one of the earliest religions in the world, traced back till 1500 BCE. Hinduism does not have a founder nor a single sacred text, but there are many texts that include its revelation (Anderson, 2004, p. 1). The Vedas is the most basic text in Hinduism, containing hymns and prayers which are recited during rituals (Young (ed.), 1993, p. 265).
The patriarchal culture in Hindu society still prevails, with continuing discrimination against menstruating women. During the menstruation period, women are considered to belong to the lowest caste, Sudra (untouchable), thus prohibited from worshiping (Denton, 2004). Menstrual taboos in Hinduism affect women in many ways, varying according to caste.
This paper discusses the practice of menstrual taboos in Hinduism, with examples from experiences of Hindu women in Nepal, India and Indonesia. These countries, according to US State Department’s International Religious Freedom Report (2006) have the three largest Hindu populations in the world. The menstrual taboos that will be discussed focus on the 20th century, focusing on the Brahmana, Ksatria and Sudra castes. This paper will analyze menstrual taboos in Hinduism from a feminist perspective.
The Practice of Menstrual Taboos in Hinduism
Menstruation cannot be separated from taboo. Tapua, the root of the word “taboo” in Polynesian has two meanings, sacred and menstruation (Grahn, 1993, p. 5). Grahn states, “Besides sacred, taboo also means forbidden, valuable, wonderful, magic, terrible, frightening, and immutable law” (p. 5). Taboo sometimes has the same meaning as law (Holden, 2001, p.4). However, taboo does not result in formal punishment if it is broken. It differs from a law in that there is no certain penalty. People believe that a taboo must be followed; otherwise it will result in harm, not only for the person who breaks the taboo, but also for the community. According to belief, breaking a taboo also affects the environment. For example, in some areas, menstruating women are prohibited from stepping out of the house or walking in a field because if it is done, the field will not be fruitful (Grahn, 1993, p. 35).
On one hand, menstrual blood is seen as polluting and dirty (Puri & Kapoor, 2006), while on the other it is seen as powerful Grahn (1993). Menstruation taboos serve many functions and according to Lynn Holden (2001), keeping the prevailing status quo of inequality is the essence of the taboo’s function. Religion has been used to maintain this status quo (Holden, 2001, p. 6-7).
The law of Manu states that a Brahman, while eating, should not look at a menstruating woman (Meyer, 2005, p. 127). The Vŗddhahārt-smŗti states that a wife had to be burned alive if on her husband’s death, she was menstruating (Meyer, 2005, p. 127).
In Tamil Nadu and Kerala in southern India, menstruation is one of ananku. Dianne E Jenett (2005) explains Ananku as “ is a word used to describe the powers associated with women’s sexuality and women’s blood which were consistent with, and equivalent to, the divine power in gods, goddesses, forces of nature, animals, warriors and kings” (p. 177). One goddess (Shakta) in Kerala, is associated with menstruation. The physical earth and menstruation are parts of the goddess’s body (Janett, 2005). Menstruation can open shakti, which Jenett (2005) explains as the, “surfeit of a capacity or ability to do something” (p. 183). According to Jenett that was cited from Grahn,
The onset of menstruation brings to a woman’s body an openness to shakti, life energy that is comprehended as intentional (therefore deity), and perhaps earlier named as ananku, powerful allure in vulva and breast that can also be harmful if it is not controlled. This power when contained creates an orderly, functional, and joyous world; or when it is out of control it can be burn the house down (p. 184).
In Kerala not all the power of shakti can be accepted, thus the unwanted power of shakti has to be controlled. Indeed, menstruating women must also be under control, and menstrual taboos are the way of keeping the shakti.
Serenity Young (1993) in An Anthology of Sacred Texts by and about Women asserted that since Hindu women during menstruation might pollute others who come into contact with them, they had to wear only one garment. There is a text in Taittiriyasamhita regarding women’s menstrual periods that states “Therefore, one should not converse with (a woman) with stained garments, nor should one sit with her or eat her food when she has emitted the color of Brahmahatya” (Smith, 1991, p.23). The Taittiriyasamhita tells the story of Indra. He killed Visvarupa who was a Brahmin (brahmahatya). As a result, Indra had a stain of murdering, and one third of the stain was conveyed to women (Smith, 1991, p. 23).
A Nepalese interviewee, Mandira Neupane, belonging to the Brahmana caste, said that she had to live with her grandmother during her first menstruation until a few days after menstruation. From her grandmother, she was taught that she could not touch her male relatives for about thirteen days. After marriage, she has to sleep separately from her husband during menstruation, and cannot touch him. Her female relatives explained the reasons why menstruating women needed to have no contact with males. She said, “I have to do that because I am unclean, I might be polluting them if I touch them.” Based on the doctrine from her family, Neupane believes that a menstruating woman is unclean and polluting.
Like Neupane, Shilpa Nagar who belongs to the Brahmana caste was not able to touch anything or anyone, particularly male relatives during the first three days of menstruation. However Nagar did not have to live separately from her family. Neha Chaturvedi who belongs to the Brahmana caste and Mamta Panwar, who belongs to the on Ksatria caste, believe that food goes bad if a menstruating woman touches it. It means that the power of a menstruating woman is considered strong enough to spoil the food. Otherwise, my interviewees from Indonesia, Dewa Ayu Eka Agustini who belongs to the Ksatria caste and Putu Sutiyati from the Sudra caste, are unaware of these taboos.
To protect others from perceived contamination, Hindu menstruating women have to use separate utensils for eating and drinking. They must also wash their clothing themselves. Chaturvedi, Nagar and Neupane state that their families have been practicing this taboo.
Cooking was prohibited for almost all Hindu women in India and Nepal during menstruation. However, Panwar, from Ksatria caste in India, did not refer to this taboo. Like Panwar, Agustini and Sutiyati can also cook during menstruation. According to Chaturvedi, after washing her head on the third day, a menstruating woman can enter the kitchen and start cooking. Regarding prohibition on cooking, Chaturvedi puts forward an argument based on her analysis. She said,
These menstrual taboos have their roots in hygiene. I was told that in older times, women did not have sanitary napkins and used a cotton cloth which they would use again and again. Thus, they were not allowed to enter the kitchen because they were not considered clean and hygienic enough to cook for the other members of the family. Nowadays, in some families, as in Panwar’s family, this taboo still exists though recently women do not worry about hygiene. Thus, hygiene is not the only reason surrounding this taboo but rather, it is maintained to keep an unequal status quo between men and women.
Neupane said that during seclusion at her grandmother’s house, she was not allowed to go outside during the day. Chaturvedi also had to follow the same taboo. Neupane followed this rule although she did not know what the connection between menstruation and sunlight was. She believes that the elder generation was knowledgeable on the appropriate behavior for menstruating women.
Chaturvedi, was not allowed to serve herself water when menstruating. If she needed water, she had to ask somebody to get it for her. Chaturvedi and Neupane had to sleep on a bare bed without any mattress or bed sheet. This is parallel to what is written in the book of Vyāsa. In this book, menstruating women only can lie on the ground, eat once at night, and they are not able to speak or move (Meyer, 2005, p. 127). Grahn (1993) also argued, “Menstrual seclusion rites as recorded over the last few centuries typically include three basic taboos: the menstruating women must not see light, she must not touch water, and she must not touch earth” (p. 11).
There are many other taboos. According to Kapoor and Puri (2006), in some areas in India, attending to a visitor is banned for menstruating women. Some Hindu women are not permitted to wear new clothes or look at themselves in a mirror. Sutiyanti also mentioned that during menstruation she is not able to go to house of a Pedande (priest). Hindu women in rural areas face more restrictive practices than Hindu women in urban areas (Kapoor & Puri, 2006).
The main taboo for Hindu women during menstruating is that they cannot worship. All interviewees agreed that the essential taboo for menstruating women is not being able to do pooja (prayer). Agustini from Indonesia asserted that during menstruation women are considered to be in an impure state. The rational of this taboo, in Panwar’s opinion, is that menstruating women are passing out the dirty blood from their body, so they avoid going to the temple during menstruation. Agustini said, “Most women will feel guilty when they have to prepare offerings for certain ceremonial events.” Everything that is connecting with the temple is prohibited for menstruating women. Even though all interviewees are currently living in the United States, they still keep this taboo. Chaturvedi explained that after seven days of menstruation, she can wash her hair, and worship. The prohibition on worshiping in Sutiyanti’s culture is no longer than three days. According to Sutiyanti’s husband, I Nyoman Sumandhi, the number of days is unquestionable because this decision is based on the scriptures.
Breaking these taboos result in many consequences. Agustini stated that she believes that there is a sanction for not following rules when menstruating, though she never witnesses it. She expects all Balinese Hindu women to know what the restrictions are. Should a woman break a taboo, she and her family along with the community must hold a ceremony that is intended to bring purity and balance to her surroundings. Unlike Agustini, Neupane also follows these taboos because she believes in the knowledge of the older generation. Due to this, she has never tried to break these taboos, particularly in relation to temple attendance.
Although the interviewees obey these menstrual taboos, some of them think that these menstrual taboos are unwise. Nagar said, “Actually for me, I do not like to adhere to these menstrual taboos, but I do not have the power to refuse.” At the same time, Chaturvedi argues that these menstrual taboos are illogical. She describes that she feels guilty when she cannot go to the temple. Menstrual taboos have implications for Hindu women.
The Implications of Menstrual Taboos for Hindu Women
There are many menstrual taboos in Hinduism. The main taboo is that menstruating women are prohibited from attending temples. Menstruating women also cannot cook and serve themselves water. Other taboos include not being able to step outside the house. To avoid polluting, menstruating women are not able to touching anyone and anything. Sleeping on the ground also is also one of the menstrual taboos for Hindu women.
Basically, menstrual taboos are implemented to maintain inequality and preserve male dominance. Scheaf (1992) explains, “A number of techniques are used to make women back off from their own perceptions” (p. 73). Menstrual taboos, in fact, are purposed to keep women under a male system of dominance. Feeling guilty is the main stopper for women (Schaef, 1992, p. 74). When women feel guilty, they do not have power. As a result, women are under male control.
Menstrual blood is connected with the idea of pollution. According to Douglas (1966), the idea of pollution in social life has two levels. Douglas said, “At the first level, the more obvious one, we find people trying to influence one another’s behavior” (p. 3). The second level is that the articulation of social order can be viewed in terms of pollution (Douglas, 1966, p. 4). Douglas gave an example of the second level. One sex is believed to be more dangerous than the other sex (p.4). In this case, menstruating women are assumed to be a danger to others. However menstrual taboos, which are associated with pollution, are only a symbol of the present social order. In this case, the social order is still based on a patriarchal order.
Lynn Teskey Denton (2004) in her book, Female Ascetics in Hinduism, stated that menstruation is an indication that women are impure and sinful, so they have no ordinary inclination to dharma (prayer). This forbiddance has major effects for women. First, since a menstruating woman is banned to do dharma, she is associated to the lowest caste, Sudra. In Hinduism, people from the Sudra caste are not able to do dharma. This situation avoids women’s right in asceticism (Denton, 2004, p. 25). However, according to Sutiyanti, in Bali Indonesia, people from the Sudra caste are able to worship and share temples with other castes. This indicates that Hinduism in different countries results in different rules.
Second, without dharma, a menstruating woman is always dependent on others because she has to always be remained her duties. In this case, her male relatives have authority to be remainders (Denton, 2004, p.25-26). Thus, women can never be independent as they are always under the power of others. The prohibition on cooking and taking water is created so that menstruating women must always depend on others. Third, a woman in amantravat (without mantra) cannot be allowed to conduct religious duties (Denton, 2004, p. 26).
The implications of amantravat place women in a weak position. If a woman does not take part in the religious event, she is assumed to be less pious or spiritual, and not have any bargaining position in society. According to Chaturvedi, because of menstruation, women cannot become priests. She said, “Could you image a priest menstruating during worship?” Similar to Chaturvedi, some Islamic male scholars also believe that no women can became a prophet because women need to stop worshiping when they are menstruating. This perception is based on one hadits that women are less religious because they cannot worship all the time. Even though this hadits is debatable in terms of quality and originality, some Islamic male scholars often recite this hadits.
Schaef (1992) argued that there is a basic hierarchical structure in our culture: God, men, women, children, animal, and earth. God is the upper hierarchy. Men are under God, and women, children, animal, and earth are under the control of men (p. 170). One always tries to switch to the upper rank. For instance, men want to be like God, and women want to be like men (Schaef, 1992, p. 171). Because women are one rank beneath men, women are not able to avoid menstrual taboos. At the same time, men perform like God, so they want to maintain control over everything, including menstruating women.
The control of a menstruating woman goes beyond the body and also extends to the social sphere. If a menstruating woman is unable to leave the house, she will not be able to join in social activities. It is through social activities that women gain many things, such as knowledge. Thus, if a woman is less activity socially, she may lose her chance to develop her ability in society.
In short, menstrual taboos are designed to maintain a patriarchal society, keeping women subordinated. Menstrual taboos support male domination. Indeed, menstrual taboos in Hinduism have many implications for women, not only physically but also psychologically. Socially, menstrual taboos are used to eliminate the opportunity for women to take place in social activities.
Conclusion
One function of taboos is to maintain the prevailing unequal balance of power between men and women. Religion is often used to maintain this imbalance, such as in Hinduism. Menstrual taboos also symbolize a social order that women are under male control.
Menstrual taboos in Hinduism exist in castes: Brahmana, Ksatria, and Sudra. However, based on the interviews, women from upper castes are more restricted. For instance, the number of menstrual taboos for women in the Brahmana caste is more complicated than for women in the Sudra caste. The main menstrual taboo prevalent in all castes and countries is the prohibition on attending a place of worship and preparing religious rituals.
Menstrual taboos in Hinduism have implications for women. The effects of menstrual taboos are not only physical but also psychological. Due to menstrual taboos, the chances for women to be active socially are limited since menstruating women in Hinduism are not able to work outside the home during the menstrual period. Overall, menstrual taboos put women in a second position to of men.
Subscribe to:
Posts (Atom)
